The recent events in Libya raise some important questions that can not be circumvented.
be against the mafias capitalist and anti-imperialism overseas, especially in this phase of history, is not an easy task. If you really want to be on the side of the dominated must have the courage to expose their false supporters. But not enough. If so it would be an easy job.
must, first of all, indicate the main enemy. The main enemy is U.S. imperialism, from which descend all the capitalist mafia infiltrated in every country they controlled.
Before we take the side of the people must be on the side of the dominated. This is a crucial point of any real analysis and, as a result of any political action. The people may be infiltrated and manipulated for purposes entirely contrary to the interests of the dominated.
Find the interest of the dominated can not put any goal that is in the interests of the dominant.
systems through pressure, coercion and indoctrination, the United States have managed to extend their domain. Through this domain is not always exercised only through the traditional armed conflict, but especially at this historical moment, with very sophisticated means and seemingly difficult to detect, force us to accept a draft presented in the interest of the people.
Before talking about the people we need to identify the interests of the dominated and expose projects of domination.
then fight U.S. imperialism and capitalist mafia. Said anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist is too simple. To be truly against U.S. imperialism and against the capitalist mafia is quite another thing.
not enough to claim to be against imperialism then if you fall into the trap of imperialism.
not enough against Berlusconi said then if you want to bring those workers left in the hands of a degenerate, liberal and pro-imperialist who boasts that she was to privatize pensions and socializing the losses to the detriment workers.
not enough to be called communists, and then support the imperialistic wars, region or state as the president of a radical who fought against the art. 18 of the Statute of Workers.
Essere dalla parte dei dominati significa denunciare il comportamento dominante delle burocrazie sindacaliste. Ma non basta. Significa saper leggere l’obiettivo reale di una manifestazione indetta a favore dei lavoratori soprattutto quando si sa che si trasformerà in un comizio politico strumentale. Significa denunciare una manifestazione sindacale che vorrebbe sostenere una sinistra liberale, liberista, padronale e sfacciatamente filo-imperialista.
Significa, inoltre, prima di essere a favore di una sollevazione di popolo, essere a favore dei dominati, e quindi non appoggiare un disegno destabilizzatore dell’imperialismo americano.
A political force in favor of the domain must also be able to read the political dynamics of their country. Correlate with what happens at the level of confrontation between capitalism.
Among the capital, and not think of a single capitalist, otherwise you will lose any ability to completely contrast to imperialism.
What is happening in Libya should be taught different things. Do not you understand the role that the Berlusconi government has played for half of the Americans was yet another mistake. Have uncritically supported the insurgency Libyan means being an instrument of criminals and mass murderers subversive movements of peoples and nations.
course is not easy to take an uncomfortable position that goes against public opinion, but the role of those who say to take the side of the dominated is to be afraid of being unpopular, or to be ashamed of be unpopular?
riding a popular location, knowing that it will be unpopular, does not mean to be a professional of the discomfort?
To this complaint professionals wherever they may be uncomfortable. E ' a struggle against the system and not within the system.
The defenders of democracy and the constitution, which does not pose the problem that these abstract concepts are hidden behind some major capitalist modes of production, are seen as naive or villains. When it comes to modernity, and it is not clear that behind this great concept there is a massacre in terms of human lives and capitalist exploitation, all you can do is some sit-in protest.
If you are unable to understand that behind the concept of democracy lurks the greatest mortification che un essere umano può subire, come quello di essere privato delle proprie competenze, tutto quello che al massimo si riesce a fare è restare incantati da narrazioni improvvisate. Noi stiamo andando verso la democrazia totale.
Se non comprendiamo che la dominazione non viene esercitata solo dall’esterno, ma lavora anche dall’interno attraverso la gestione delle competenze che controllano i mezzi di comunicazione, regolano la vita politica privandoci dell’uso delle competenze, significa che abbiamo perduto non solo il nostro lavoro ma la nostra dignità.
Per competenza bisogna think of our role within a society and a state that has the freedom and duty to protect not only workers but to give him, through work, a specific function to the maintenance of the status and welfare of workers.
Something that until now no one wants to investigate is what skills private (ie as a form of refusal to carry out its project work as a social project and state).
The issue of competence is the idea of \u200b\u200bsociety and therefore, knowledge on the part of workers of their function, what their working order. But when the skills are in few hands and has been a prisoner of imperialist domination, the skills of workers in the sense of private and inaccessible in the sense of lifted, that remain in their individual sphere but not exercisable.
work without authorization (ie without an end) is simple exploitation infinite.
The decision-makers from governments, industry associations, trade unions and political parties are under the control of a few hands.
The total democracy is the evolution of democracy formal. It is not a simple adaptation to the rules, but it is a real way of thinking.
If formal democracy has seen its growth in the ideologies embodied in everyday life through the party bureaucracy, public offices and private full democracy has taken possession of this ideological void and he did it right. The total democracy meaningless any process of thought that would give a shape.
In-form state, the total democracy is described as a comfortably familiar, a kind of referee who merely dictate rules of competition in all sectors. At this proposito si può notare come la forma, nella democrazia totale, si faccia sostanza. Le regole che vengono distribuite finiscono in mano degli agenti concorrenti: cioè del più capace. La capacità, in una democrazia totale, dipende soprattutto da quanto si è capaci di investire in termini di denaro, influenze e conoscenze. Le competenze, tanto sbandierate, contano meno di zero nella democrazia totale senza capacità d’investimento. Ma c’è anche un’altra motivazione per cui le competenze sono un elemento determinante sempre più ristretto. Nella democrazia totale le competenze acquisiscono l’elemento determinante, e non più come nella democrazia formale, l’elemento determinato. L’elemento determinante ,nelle competenze, si riferisce ad un numero sempre minore di addetti a svolgere questo ruolo. Questa minoranza (che va sempre più restringendosi per via delle tecniche acquisite) determina una maggioranza privata di competenze.
E’ per questa ragione che nella democrazia totale si lascia libero sfogo e grande risalto a tutto ciò che è privato di competenza. Possiamo dire che l’esaltazione di coloro che sono privati di competenze è il biglietto da visita della democrazia totale.
La democrazia totale nasconde le competenze che si trovano in mano a una ristretta cerchia di persone attraverso il gran numero di competenze private.
Questo aspetto lo possiamo notare in tutti i campi: dalla politica alla scuola, dai mezzi di comunicazione di massa alle arti e nei luoghi di lavoro.
Nella democrazia totale sono favorite tutte le manifestazioni di competenza, ma di fatto è impedito l’esercizio delle competenze. Una competenza per avere effetti deve essere inserita nell’esercizio della sua funzione, cioè in una struttura deputata a svolgere quel determinato compito.
Le varie forme di lavoro subordinato, determinato, a progetto eccetera sono la manifesta concezione di questa libertà al non fare . Ma siamo ancora all’alba della democrazia totale. Le forme di libertà percepita impediscono, di fatto, la reale portata di questa coercizione mentale di massa.
I fautori della difesa della costituzione, che per sessant’anni non si sono preoccupati della sua attuazione, come possono oggi invocare senza vergogna la sua difesa?
Quelli che si sono riuniti al Palasharp, invocando giustizia e libertà, a quale giustizia si riferiscono e a quale libertà vogliono costringerci? A quella delle competenze nascoste and inaccessible?
Or justice invoked by Ferrara and supported by Violante and not only on the restoration of parliamentary immunity? All this fuss to get the nth parallel convergence?
United States exercising control through the study of the companies intend to submit. In our so-called forces fighting against capitalism and imperialism have left school for forty years. It is now plain for all that without an updated theory there is the certainty of surrender to the dominant name in the defense of the dominated.
